THE AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD (1898-1946)

As the head of the newly proclaimed Philippine Republic, General Emilio
Aguinaldo protested the transfer of sovereignty of the Philippines to that of the United
States as a result of the Treaty of Paris of 1898. In his counter-proclamation, Aguinaldo
denounced the American action. The Americans interpreted Aguinaldo's proclamation as
a declaration of war. The Philippine-American War followed and culminated with the
capture of Aguinaldo at Palanan, Isabela on 23 March 1901. The Philippines again
became a colony of a powerful nation, the United States.17 Suspicious of both Christian
Filipinos and Americans, the Muslims in Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago remained
neutral for the most part of the Philippine-American war.

1. The Bates Treaty

The Tausugs of the island of Sulu were the first group of Filipino Muslims that
the United States authorities met upon assuming control of the Philippines. The task to
negotiate with the Sultan of Sulu fell on the shoulders of Brigadier General John C. Bates
of the United States Army. Bates reached an agreement with the Sultan of Sulu on 20
August 1899. The agreement signed by Bates, the Sultan of Sulu and four of his
principal datus became known as the "Bates Treaty." It provided for recognition of United States sovereignty in the Sulu archipelago and cooperation of the sultan and his
datus in the suppression of piracy and apprehension of persons charged with crimes
against non-Muslims. In return the United States pledged to respect the dignity and
authority of the Sultan of Sulu and the other chiefs. The United States also agreed not
to interfere with the Muslim religion. It was further agreed upon by both parties that
there would be nonalienation of any areas in the Sulu archipelago by the United States
without the consent of the sultan and his more important datus. The United States would
also guarantee full protection of the sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation
attempted to infringe on their rights. The agreement also called for payment of the
salaries of certain Sulu leaders from the Philippine treasury.18

The Americans gave the first official stamp, in modern terms, to the creed of
separatism when they signed the treaty with the Sultan of Sulu as a separate power. A
Philippine career diplomat, Leon Maria Guerrero, summed it up without mincing words:
American policy was seen to be one of negotiate, subjugate, separate.
The purpose of the American colonialists to separate the two traditional
Filipino communities was scarcely concealed.19

The Bates Agreement however did not work well between the parties. The
Americans thought that with the treaty, they had secured an acknowledgement of US
sovereignty and would keep the Muslims peaceful. On the other hand, the Muslims
believed that the treaty was an instrument that kept the Americans out of their internal
affairs and guaranteed their way of life. The Muslims thought that the agreement was
no better than what was imposed by the Spaniards. Unhappy over the treaty's policy of
non-interference in Moro internal affairs, US Army authorities began to clamor for its
abrogation. Major General Leonard Wood saw the Bates Agreement as too lenient and urged the civilian governor-general of the Philippines, William Taft, for the abrogation
of the agreement.

When Taft assumed the position of Secretary of War on 1 February 1904, he
asked Wood to submit a report of violations to the agreement committed by the Datus
and the Sultan of Sulu. Using the report as a basis, Taft authorized the new governorgeneral
of the Philippines, Luke E. Wright to notify the Sultan and his datus of the
abrogation of the Bates treaty because of their failure "to discharge the duties and fulfill
the conditions imposed on them by said agreement." Their annuities would be forfeited
also and they would be subject to the laws enacted for the Moro province. On 21 March
1904, Gen. Wood notified the Sultan that the treaty was abrogated as of that date.20

With the abrogation of the treaty, the Americans exercised direct control of
Muslim affairs. The resulting American policy toward the Muslims resembled the
treatment of the Indians: "treaties" made with the "savages" were not considered binding
and could be unilaterally set aside as convenience or changes in policy demanded.21

As the first military governor of the Moro Province, General Leonard Wood
typified American New England Puritanical Calvinist values and Anglo-Saxon
ethnocentrism. He found nothing in Muslim Filipino laws and customs worth preserving.
His adoption of a hard line policy on the Moros exploded into a series of battles,
including a struggle in 1906 where 600 Muslims died.

2. Thrust of American Colonial Administration

From the start, the American colonial mission was aimed at tutelage, a process
of preparing the Philippines for eventual independence. The civil government established
by the Americans in 1901 started the process of preparing the Filipinos toward selfgovernment.

During the year, the Americans entrusted the management of the municipal
government to the Filipinos. A year later, Filipinos assumed the management of the
government at the provincial level. By 1907, members of the first Philippine Assembly composed of Filipinos were elected. At the outset, issues of independence and autonomy
were the main concerns of the Assembly.

In 1903, a Moro province was established by the American authorities and a more
forward policy implemented: the practice of slavery was outlawed, schools that taught
a non-Muslim curriculum were established, and local governments were organized. The
organization of local governments directly challenged the authority of the traditional
community leaders. A new legal system also replaced the sharia, or Islamic Law.
United States rule, even more than that of the Spaniards, was seen as a challenge to
Islam, a religion that prescribes not only personal beliefs but also social and political
institutions. Armed resistance grew, and the Moro province remained under military rule
until 1913 by which time the major Muslim groups had been subjugated.22

3. The Carpenter Agreement

Frank W. Carpenter became the first civilian governor of the Moro province in
December 1913. Governor Carpenter vigorously carried out the American policy of
"Filipinization" of the Insular government in the Muslim area. Under his supervision,
Filipino officials mostly Christians assumed increasingly greater responsibilities in the
government of the Muslim region. There were efforts to integrate the Muslims into
Philippine national life. One program encouraged settlers from the northern provinces
to settle in Moroland and serve as example for the Muslim Filipinos. Christian Filipino
officials labored to educate, civilize and train the Muslims in self government.

The Muslims were powerless to stem the tide of change and their general attitude
was of sullen acquiescence to the situation. This attitude was best exemplified by the
"Carpenter Agreement" on 22 March 1915, which called for the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul
Kiram n, to abdicate all his claims to temporal power in Sulu. The abdication was done
at the insistence of Governor Carpenter. The sultan however, retained his position as the titular spiritual head of the Islamic faith in the Sulu archipelago.23

4. Land Policy

The U.S. colonial administrators saw the vast and virtually underpopulated island
of Mindanao as the Philippines frontier. Drawing on the geopolitical experience of the
United States, they saw resettlement from the more densely populated northern islands
as the pivotal means by which the Philippines could increase agricultural production, ease
land pressure, eliminate tenancy, and reform the society. Offering the carrot of religious
protection and respect for Muslim traditions and wielding the stick of U.S. military
might, they subjugated the five major Muslim groups; the Maguindanaos, the Maranaos,
the Yakans, the Samals and the Tausugs. Through legislation, based on U.S. models,
they created a homesteading and land policy that was designed to encourage especially
the landless peasants of the north to migrate to Mindanao. This policy was not
aggressively challenged by the Muslims at that time because there were still excess land
available. There was minimal effect on the Muslims because they were then practicing
slash and burn agriculture.

5. Muslim demand for exclusion from the Philippines

The inclusion of the Muslim areas into what is today the Republic of the
Philippines was the subject of a strong protest by Muslim leaders in 1935. A declaration
was drafted and unanimously approved in a mass meeting on 18 March 1935 at Dansalan
(now Marawi City). This was forwarded to the US Congress through the President of
the United States. Following are excerpts from the historic declaration:

In the agreement that we arrived at (i.e., the Declaration) people
gave their unanimous approval.

We would like to inform you (i.e., the U.S. Congress) that because
we have learned that the U.S. is going to give the Philippines
independence through efforts of Hon. Quezon, Osmena and others, we
want to tell you that the Philippines as it is known to the American people
(is) populated by two different people with different religions, practices
and traditions. The Christian Filipinos occupy the Islands of Luzon and the Visayas. The Moros predominate in the islands of Mindanao and Sulu
(Basilan and Palawan were then regarded as part of the latter). With
regards the forthcoming Philippine Independence, we foresee what
condition we will be and our children when independence is granted these
islands. This condition will (be) characterized by unrest, suffering and
misery . . .

Our Christian Associates have for . . . many past years shown
their desire to be the only ones blessed with leadership and well
progressive towns without sharing with us the advantage of having good
towns and cities. One proof of this is that, among us who are capable of
(participating) in managing and (administering the) government. . . have
not been given chances to demonstrate their ability. Another proof is that
the Christian Filipinos have taken control of our Insular funds which by
right we must have equal share (in). Most of these funds are annually
appropriated for Luzon and the Visayas and very little are appropriated
for the so-called Moro provinces in the islands of Mindanao and Sulu. As
a result their provinces progress by leaps and bounds and ours (lag
behind). Another result is that we have been and are still behind in. . .
modern civilization and education.

One more very discriminating act of our Christian Filipino
Associates is shown in the recent Constitution of the Philippine
Commonwealth. In this Constitution no provision whatsoever is made that
would operate for the welfare of the Moros . . . The (provision of the
) Constitution are all for the welfare of the Christian Filipinos and nothing
for the Moros. As a proof (of) this our delegate did not sign the
Constitution.

We do not want to be included in the Philippine independence (for)
once an independent nation is launched (there will be) troubles between
us and the Christian Filipinos because from time immemorial these two
people have not lived harmoniously ... It is not . . . proper to have
two antagonizing people live together under one flag, under the Philippine
independence. One proof of this (is) that when Lanao had its Filipino
Governor many leading Moro datus were killed for no apparent reasons.
This trouble has not yet ended up to the present time because our people
can't and will never forget the bitterness of this incident.

Should the American people grant the Philippines an independence,
the islands of Mindanao and Sulu should not be included in such
independence . . . Our public land must not be given to other people
other than the Moros. We should be given time to acquire them because
most of us have no land. Our people does not yet realize the value of
acquiring lands of considerable area. We do not know also how to
acquire those lands by the process of law. Where shall we obtain the
support of (our) family if our lands are taken from us. It will be safe for

us that a law should be created restricting the (acquisition of) our lands
by other people. This will also avoid future trouble.

Our practices, laws and the decisions of our Moro leaders should
be respected . . . Our religion should not be curtailed in any way. All
practices which are incidents to our religion of Islam should be respected
because these things are what a Muslim desires to live for . . . Once our
religion is no more, our lives are no more.

(Signed) Hadji Bogabong (Kali Sa Onayan) and over one
hundred leading datus, Hadjis, Imams and Kalis.24








17 Agoncillo and Alfonso, Op. cit., pp. 257-259.

18 Grunder, Garel and Livezey, William, The Philippines and the United States,
University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1951, p. 139.
19 George,T. J. S., "A Good Idea At the Time," Far Eastern Economic Review, 26
March 1973, p. 14.

20 Gründer and Livezey, Op. cit., p. 141.
21 Gowing and McAmis, Op. cit., pp. 35-36.

22 Bunge, Frederica M., Philippines: A Country Study, The U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington D.C., 1983, p. 74.
23 Gowing and McAmis, Op. cit., p. 39.
4 Glang, Alunan, Op. cit., pp. 16-17.